The former US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who has died at age 84, was regarded as among the most powerful occupants of the vice-presidency in American history. Whereas countless VPs were confined to marginal or figurehead roles, Cheney wielded huge influence during the administration of George W Bush, so much so that he was frequently referred to as the "actual president".
Bush resented such a characterisation and stated the relationship was more complicated. He observed that Cheney was courteous, invariably calling him in public settings as Mr President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush questioned even portrayals of their association as a partnership because it indicated that they were equals. Regardless of these denials, Cheney found the easygoing president accommodating on a broad range of policy decisions.
The Aftermath of 9/11
At the head of a contingent of neo-cons that included Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been participating in a gathering at a educational institution in Florida. As Bush headed for a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney took command, directing the destruction of any unresponsive airplanes heading toward the Capitol building.
Cheney claimed the attacks altered his perspective, leading him to become determined on retaliation. Along with other neo-cons, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a occupation of Afghanistan in an effort to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the invasion of Iraq, even though there was little proof of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Disputed Policies
He voiced no apologies about the military campaign, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, and not about the harsh treatment of individuals apprehended after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was founded on inaccurate reports repeated by Cheney, was the proper path to take. "It represented the correct action to do then. I had faith back then and I believe it presently."
But even then, there were contrary opinions at a top tier about the poor management of Iraq. One of the White House's own representatives to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the position. "I observed, at the very least," he later wrote "true dereliction, carelessness, and irresponsibility: potentially, deception, ineptitude, and dishonesty."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for similar measures. He had written a memo outlining scenarios in which American interests might be threatened (featuring "availability of vital raw materials, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "America should be prepared to act independently when joint efforts cannot be arranged," specifically citing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush also had arrived in the Oval Office generally inclined on executing what his father had specifically avoided to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. Subsequent to he had been sacked by the president, the finance chief Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his plan of diminishing America's involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and mooted defense operations against Iraq.
Bush carried a individual resentment against Saddam, believing he had been involved in a plot to assassinate his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He also disliked that one of the largest hotels in Baghdad had a ground design with a image of his predecessor's face that all visitors had to step on.
Questioning Techniques
However it was Cheney who was one of the most outspoken supporting striking Iraq, repeatedly quoting information documents that were whether thin or totally inaccurate. He backed what the Bush administration euphemistically referred to as "intensive questioning", the employment of interrogation method and torture.
Answering a Senate document in 2014 that found that no useful information had come from the interrogation methods, Cheney disregarded the findings as "full of crap". He informed Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to establish protocols and put in place programmes to apprehend the individuals who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it never happened again. That's exactly what they did and they deserve a lot of credit."
Public Persona
Cheney reveled in nicknames imposed on him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and the sinister presence, and by the concept that he was a sinister influence directing Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 volume about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Am I the malevolent mastermind in the background that remains unseen emerge from his domain? This represents a effective way to work, actually."
Commercial Ties
Dispute over his corporate affiliations accompanied him during his tenure as second-in-command. Even though he had little experience in business but good contacts in defence, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial oil and gas conglomerates, in 1995 as chairman and CEO.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's election partner for the executive branch. Debatably, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was awarded US deals worth substantial sums.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly earnings during his tenure at the firm rose from his quarter-million dollars while military head to millions. When he departed in 2000 he had a package totaling over $20m|twenty
